News

The original category was published from February 8, 2018 4:35 PM to April 7, 2025 10:48 AM

Jun 13

[ARCHIVED] Car Parking

The original item was published from May 22, 2018 3:13 PM to June 13, 2018 1:41 PM

If you’re reading this, chances are you’ve been to Aggieville in your lifetime. Chances are also good that you have a fairly high opinion of Aggieville. I can say that because according to a recent community survey, seven out of ten Manhattanites have a high or very high opinion of Aggieville, two out of ten have a neutral opinion, and one out of ten… well… we’ve all had those days.

Continue Reading...

Jun 13

[ARCHIVED] Car Parking

The original item was published from May 22, 2018 3:13 PM to June 13, 2018 1:29 PM

If you’re reading this, chances are you’ve been to Aggieville in your lifetime. Chances are also good that you have a fairly high opinion of Aggieville. I can say that because according to a recent community survey, seven out of ten Manhattanites have a high or very high opinion of Aggieville, two out of ten have a neutral opinion, and one out of ten… well… we’ve all had those days.

Continue Reading...

Jun 11

[ARCHIVED] Bike Parking in MHK

The original item was published from April 19, 2018 11:46 AM to June 11, 2018 3:16 PM

Cycling is becoming a bigger and bigger part of the Manhattan lifestyle. Over the last 10 years, the linear footage of designated bike routes within the City has more than tripled. In that same time, the number of citizens biking to work has nearly doubled. Currently, about 1 in 50 Manhattanites bike to work on a daily basis, which is over 3x the national average! 

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May 25

[ARCHIVED] Car Parking

The original item was published from May 22, 2018 3:13 PM to June 13, 2018 11:32 AM

If you’re reading this, chances are you’ve been to Aggieville in your lifetime. Chances are also good that you have a fairly high opinion of Aggieville. I can say that because according to a recent community survey, seven out of ten Manhattanites have a high or very high opinion of Aggieville, two out of ten have a neutral opinion, and one out of ten… well… we’ve all had those days.

Continue Reading...

May 22

[ARCHIVED] Car Parking

The original item was published from May 22, 2018 3:13 PM to May 25, 2018 9:30 AM

If you’re reading this, chances are you’ve been to Aggieville in your lifetime. Chances are also good that you have a fairly high opinion of Aggieville. I can say that because according to a recent community survey, seven out of ten Manhattanites have a high or very high opinion of Aggieville, two out of ten have a neutral opinion, and one out of ten… well… we’ve all had those days.

Continue Reading...

May 22

[ARCHIVED] Car Parking

The original item was published from May 22, 2018 3:13 PM to May 22, 2018 3:51 PM

If you’re reading this, chances are you’ve been to Aggieville in your lifetime. Chances are also good that you have a fairly high opinion of Aggieville. I can say that because according to a recent community survey, seven out of ten Manhattanites have a high or very high opinion of Aggieville, two out of ten have a neutral opinion, and one out of ten… well… we’ve all had those days.

"Aggieville

As much as you may love Aggieville, you probably can't separate it from your frustration of finding a parking space when you visit. In fact, that same survey asked citizens to rate the ease of finding a parking space in Aggieville on a scale from 1 to 5, one being very easy and five being very difficult. The average rating was 3.84. Putting this number on the Wong-Baker Faces Pain Rating Scale would put us collectively somewhere between “hurts even more” to “hurts a whole lot” when it comes to finding parking in Aggieville.


ŕ"
And I doubt many find that surprising. But why is there so little parking in Aggieville?

Ordinarily, the city requires homes, offices, apartments, restaurants, retail stores, and nearly every other land use to provide car parking on site when that use is established.

 The amount of parking the city requires is usually related to the size or intensity of that use. A few common ratios used to calculate parking requirements include…

  • 1 space per bedroom
  • 1 space per (X) square feet of floor area
  • 1 space per employee

But where did this come from? Well throughout the 50s, 60s, and 70s when car culture was becoming the American norm, municipalities took it upon themselves to become the authority on parking. And private parking provision became a part of city zoning requirements to prevent development from being under-parked. The City of Manhattan was no exception to this trend, aside from two unique instances.

There are not, nor have there ever been minimum parking requirements for businesses in Aggieville or Downtown. And before you go calling your commissioners about this because you think it “hurts worst” hard to find a parking spot over the lunch hour in Aggieville, let me offer an explanation as to why this is a good thing…

An absence of parking requirements for Aggieville businesses has helped preserved it as the compact, urban, and walkable environment that only one out of ten of us apparently disdain. 

If Aggieville businesses were required to provide the amount of parking required by the city in suburban districts, it would actually be about 1,100 spaces short. To put that into perspective, that is about the number of parking stalls in the west lot of the downtown mall, which is about 14 acres of uninterrupted pavement. 



Ŗ"In comparison, the Aggieville business area is about 21 acres, streets and all. If we transplanted the mall lot to Aggieville, it would easily stretch from the Bluemont Hotel to City Park. If you don’t believe me, there’s this
handy site that allows you to compare the size of different features in Google Maps. 





ŗ"
In short, if we required the businesses in Aggieville to provide the amount of park
ing the City requires in suburban districts, Aggieville wouldn’t exist! Two-thirds of it would be a parking lot! The absence of parking requirements throughout the years has kept Aggieville in its historically compact, urban, and walkable environment we all love. And sure, it can be harder to find a parking spot on the weekend or over lunch, but we’re willing to spend an extra 60 seconds looking for a space or walk an extra block from a space because it’s a place we want to be. Were two-thirds of it a parking lot, sure it would be more convenient, but why would anyone want to spend time in a district that is mostly a parking lot? That’s part of what makes Aggieville… well… Aggieville.

And going off of that, excessive parking requirements and increased automobile dependency over the last half-century have contributed this growing problem that urban planners call “placelessness”, whereas environments begin to lack identity, historic significance, and local cultural relevance due to their generic and undesirable nature.

Take these two photos here comparing two very different built environments. One is compact, pedestrian-oriented, and has a nice street environment. The other is sprawling, automobile-oriented, and has a very bleak street environment. You’d probably feel more confident about fining a parking space in one of the businesses in the top photo, but it’s probably not an area you feel like spending a lot of time in, or would be proud so say is in your town, unlike the picture of downtown in the bottom photo. There is a lot more going on here than just parking, but it’s very clear parking is going to be a high priority in the top photo, which has largely contributed to it’s bleak, desolate, and placeless environment.Ř"

Anywhere, USA

ř"
Manhattan, Kansas


More than a place-making issue, excessive parking poses other environmental, social, and economical issues.

Environmentally speaking, excessive parking increases stormwater runoff, flood risk, light pollution, the urban heat island effect, and only encourages us to drive more, resulting in increased air pollution.

Socially speaking, excessive parking discourages us from walking, biking, or using public transit. These are more active and healthier alternatives of transportation that can help us all stay in shape.

Ś"

But I want to really dig into the economic impact of parking. There is no such thing as a free lunch. Likewise, there is no such thing as a free parking space. Take the city-owned parking lot south of Rally-House in Aggieville. Just the land the lot is on has an assessed value of $1.2 million. It has 80 parking spaces. This equates to $15,000 per space in land value. There are also construction costs and ongoing costs of maintenance and operation associated with surface parking lots which some studies estimate is between $700 and $1,100 per year per space.

The overwhelming majority of parking spaces in Manhattan are free, which means these cost of parking are subsidized one way or another. For public lots like the one in Aggieville, it's the taxpayer. For private property owners, it's the owner. For commercial uses, this cost is worked into the costs of the goods and services you buy. For residential developments, especially larger apartments, this cost is worked into price of the housing (rent). And if we take the estimate of just the ongoing cost of maintaining a parking space, this could mean the average monthly rent includes between $58 and $92 to pay for every parking space associated with that unit. In short, parking can contribute to housing affordability issues.

The crux here is that there is an opportunity cost to parking; it is a land-use efficiency issue. So much of our cities consist of valuable land dedicated to excess surface parking that could be used for homes, commercial buildings, schools, parks and natural greenspace. One of the more tangible ways this is played out is in an analysis of local property tax generated by each property in the city of Manhattan on a square foot basis, shown here.ś"

As you can see, the highest property tax generators per square foot, or the “hardest working” properties in town are overwhelmingly concentrated in Downtown and Aggieville where parking is more scarce and the built environment is more dense. In fact, 98 out of the top 100 hardest working properties are located in Downtown or Aggieville, generating $1.00--$3.65 per square foot on an annual basis. In contrast, the lower-density suburban areas, where parking is abundant, are much less efficient, typically generating less than $0.50 per square foot. That’s because at a certain point, parking lots are an inefficient use of land. Excessive parking and automobile dependency in general dilutes cities and forces them to spread out further, requiring us to stretch more expensive water, sewer, stormwater, and road infrastructure further and further out. The technical term for this is sprawl.  

ŝ"

That's not to say parking doesn’t serve a role in our community. Over the last 70 years we’ve kind of built our city to be dependent on the car and parking- and this won’t change overnight. But it’s time we start thinking bigger in terms of the whole cost of parking, especially too much parking, and how it’s bloated our cities. And it starts with zoning regulations, which are not blameless at all. In fact, zoning is one of the biggest contributors to the problem. In many cases, city zoning regulations overburden developers and business owners by requiring them to supply parking spaces that may never be used.

By lowering minimum parking requirements, we can begin to combat the negatives effect of too much parking, while giving developers and business owners greater autonomy and flexibility in deciding how much parking they actually need to make their project successful. In fact, many other cities are getting out of the parking business by reducing or outright eliminating their parking requirements. We have the opportunity to make similar changes though the UDO.

Here is a comparison of existing parking ratios and ratios proposed through the UDO for some typical land uses...

൒"

As you can see, the number of spaces required of these uses are generally lower. And that’s not to say that these businesses can’t provide more than the minimum. That’s why it’s a minimum! But why would we require them to have more than they know they need to effectively run their business? 

This is how these ratios play out in an example in Manhattan…

൓"

Which also raises another question. Should there be a limit to the number of parking spaces a place can have? Many cities are also doing this by introducing parking maximums that combat the negative effects of too much parking. Manhattan currently has no maximums on parking, but it is something proposed through the UDO...

ൔ"

These maximum ratios are designed to reflect the majority of what those land uses are using today in Manhattan, but to cap those outliers that tend to provide as much parking as they possibly can or to provide enough parking for their absolute busiest day of the year. This is less common for local businesses and more common for larger national chain businesses, like retailers who provide enough parking for once-a-year events like Black Friday, despite those spaces going unused the other 364 days out of the year. 

Ŝ"

By lowering the minimum parking ratios and introducing parking maximums, we can begin to create a more economically, socially, and environmentally resilient Manhattan.

May 22

[ARCHIVED] Car Parking

The original item was published from May 22, 2018 3:13 PM to May 22, 2018 3:23 PM

If you’re reading this, chances are you’ve been to Aggieville in your lifetime. Chances are also good that you have a fairly high opinion of Aggieville. I can say that because according to a recent community survey, seven out of ten Manhattanites have a high or very high opinion of Aggieville, two out of ten have a neutral opinion, and one out of ten… well… we’ve all had those days.

"Aggieville

As much as you may love Aggieville, you probably can't separate it from your frustration of finding a parking space when you visit. In fact, that same survey asked citizens to rate the ease of finding a parking space in Aggieville on a scale from 1 to 5, one being very easy and five being very difficult. The average rating was 3.84. Putting this number on the Wong-Baker Faces Pain Rating Scale would put us collectively somewhere between “hurts even more” to “hurts a whole lot” when it comes to finding parking in Aggieville.


ŕ"
And I doubt many find that surprising. But why is there so little parking in Aggieville?

Ordinarily, the city requires homes, offices, apartments, restaurants, retail stores, and nearly every other land use to provide car parking on site when that use is established.

 The amount of parking the city requires is usually related to the size or intensity of that use. A few common ratios used to calculate parking requirements include…

  • 1 space per bedroom
  • 1 space per (X) square feet of floor area
  • 1 space per employee

But where did this come from? Well throughout the 50s, 60s, and 70s when car culture was becoming the American norm, municipalities took it upon themselves to become the authority on parking. And private parking provision became a part of city zoning requirements to prevent development from being under-parked. The City of Manhattan was no exception to this trend, aside from two unique instances.

There are not, nor have there ever been minimum parking requirements for businesses in Aggieville or Downtown. And before you go calling your commissioners about this because you think it “hurts worst” hard to find a parking spot over the lunch hour in Aggieville, let me offer an explanation as to why this is a good thing…

An absence of parking requirements for Aggieville businesses has helped preserved it as the compact, urban, and walkable environment that only one out of ten of us apparently disdain. 

If Aggieville businesses were required to provide the amount of parking required by the city in suburban districts, it would actually be about 1,100 spaces short. To put that into perspective, that is about the number of parking stalls in the west lot of the downtown mall, which is about 14 acres of uninterrupted pavement. 



Ŗ"In comparison, the Aggieville business area is about 21 acres, streets and all. If we transplanted the mall lot to Aggieville, it would easily stretch from the Bluemont Hotel to City Park. If you don’t believe me, there’s this
handy site that allows you to compare the size of different features in Google Maps. 





ŗ"
In short, if we required the businesses in Aggieville to provide the amount of park
ing the City requires in suburban districts, Aggieville wouldn’t exist! Two-thirds of it would be a parking lot! The absence of parking requirements throughout the years has kept Aggieville in its historically compact, urban, and walkable environment we all love. And sure, it can be harder to find a parking spot on the weekend or over lunch, but we’re willing to spend an extra 60 seconds looking for a space or walk an extra block from a space because it’s a place we want to be. Were two-thirds of it a parking lot, sure it would be more convenient, but why would anyone want to spend time in a district that is mostly a parking lot? That’s part of what makes Aggieville… well… Aggieville.

And going off of that, excessive parking requirements and increased automobile dependency over the last half-century have contributed this growing problem that urban planners call “placelessness”, whereas environments begin to lack identity, historic significance, and local cultural relevance due to their generic and undesirable nature.

Take these two photos here comparing two very different built environments. One is compact, pedestrian-oriented, and has a nice street environment. The other is sprawling, automobile-oriented, and has a very bleak street environment. You’d probably feel more confident about fining a parking space in one of the businesses in the top photo, but it’s probably not an area you feel like spending a lot of time in, or would be proud so say is in your town, unlike the picture of downtown in the bottom photo. There is a lot more going on here than just parking, but it’s very clear parking is going to be a high priority in the top photo, which has largely contributed to it’s bleak, desolate, and placeless environment.Ř"

Anywhere, USA

ř"
Manhattan, Kansas


More than a place-making issue, excessive parking poses other environmental, social, and economical issues.

Environmentally speaking, excessive parking increases stormwater runoff, flood risk, light pollution, the urban heat island effect, and only encourages us to drive more, resulting in increased air pollution.

Socially speaking, excessive parking discourages us from walking, biking, or using public transit. These are more active and healthier alternatives of transportation that can help us all stay in shape.

Ś"

But I want to really dig into the economic impact of parking. There is no such thing as a free lunch. Likewise, there is no such thing as a free parking space. Take the city-owned parking lot south of Rally-House in Aggieville. Just the land the lot is on has an assessed value of $1.2 million. It has 80 parking spaces. This equates to $15,000 per space in land value. There are also construction costs and ongoing costs of maintenance and operation associated with surface parking lots which some studies estimate is between $700 and $1,100 per year per space.

The overwhelming majority of parking spaces in Manhattan are free, which means these cost of parking are subsidized one way or another. For public lots like the one in Aggieville, it's the taxpayer. For private property owners, it's the owner. For commercial uses, this cost is worked into the costs of the goods and services you buy. For residential developments, especially larger apartments, this cost is worked into price of the housing (rent). And if we take the estimate of just the ongoing cost of maintaining a parking space, this could mean the average monthly rent includes between $58 and $92 to pay for every parking space associated with that unit. In short, parking can contribute to housing affordability issues.

The crux here is that there is an opportunity cost to parking; it is a land-use efficiency issue. So much of our cities consist of valuable land dedicated to excess surface parking that could be used for homes, commercial buildings, schools, parks and natural greenspace. One of the more tangible ways this is played out is in an analysis of local property tax generated by each property in the city of Manhattan on a square foot basis, shown here.ś"

As you can see, the highest property tax generators per square foot, or the “hardest working” properties in town are overwhelmingly concentrated in Downtown and Aggieville where parking is more scarce and the built environment is more dense. In fact, 98 out of the top 100 hardest working properties are located in Downtown or Aggieville, generating $1.00--$3.65 per square foot on an annual basis. In contrast, the lower-density suburban areas, where parking is abundant, are much less efficient, typically generating less than $0.50 per square foot. That’s because at a certain point, parking lots are an inefficient use of land. Excessive parking and automobile dependency in general dilutes cities and forces them to spread out further, requiring us to stretch more expensive water, sewer, stormwater, and road infrastructure further and further out. The technical term for this is sprawl.  

ŝ"

That's not to say parking doesn’t serve a role in our community. Over the last 70 years we’ve kind of built our city to be dependent on the car and parking- and this won’t change overnight. But it’s time we start thinking bigger in terms of the whole cost of parking, especially too much parking, and how it’s bloated our cities. And it starts with zoning regulations, which are not blameless at all. In fact, zoning is one of the biggest contributors to the problem. In many cases, city zoning regulations overburden developers and business owners by requiring them to supply parking spaces that may never be used.

By lowering minimum parking requirements, we can begin to combat the negatives effect of too much parking, while giving developers and business owners greater autonomy and flexibility in deciding how much parking they actually need to make their project successful. In fact, many other cities are getting out of the parking business by reducing or outright eliminating their parking requirements. We have the opportunity to make similar changes though the UDO.

Here is a comparison of existing parking ratios and ratios proposed through the UDO for some typical land uses...

൒"

As you can see, the number of spaces required of these uses are generally lower. And that’s not to say that these businesses can’t provide more than the minimum. That’s why it’s a minimum! But why would we require them to have more than they know they need to effectively run their business? 

This is how these ratios play out in an example in Manhattan…

൓"

Which also raises another question. Should there be a limit to the number of parking spaces a place can have? Many cities are also doing this by introducing parking maximums that combat the negative effects of too much parking. Manhattan currently has no maximums on parking, but it is something proposed through the UDO...

ൔ"

These maximum ratios are designed to reflect the majority of what those land uses are using today in Manhattan, but to cap those outliers that tend to provide as much parking as they possibly can or to provide enough parking for their absolute busiest day of the year. This is less common for local businesses and more common for larger national chain businesses, like retailers who provide enough parking for once-a-year events like Black Friday, despite those spaces going unused the other 364 days out of the year. 

Ŝ"

By lowering the minimum parking ratios and introducing parking maximums, we can begin to create a more economically, socially, and environmentally resilient Manhattan.

May 22

[ARCHIVED] Car Parking

The original item was published from May 22, 2018 3:13 PM to May 22, 2018 3:23 PM

If you’re reading this, chances are you’ve been to Aggieville in your lifetime. Chances are also good that you have a fairly high opinion of Aggieville. I can say that because according to a recent community survey, seven out of ten Manhattanites have a high or very high opinion of Aggieville, two out of ten have a neutral opinion, and one out of ten… well… we’ve all had those days.

"Aggieville

As much as you may love Aggieville, you probably can't separate it from your frustration of finding a parking space when you visit. In fact, that same survey asked citizens to rate the ease of finding a parking space in Aggieville on a scale from 1 to 5, one being very easy and five being very difficult. The average rating was 3.84. Putting this number on the Wong-Baker Faces Pain Rating Scale would put us collectively somewhere between “hurts even more” to “hurts a whole lot” when it comes to finding parking in Aggieville.


ŕ"
And I doubt many find that surprising. But why is there so little parking in Aggieville?

Ordinarily, the city requires homes, offices, apartments, restaurants, retail stores, and nearly every other land use to provide car parking on site when that use is established.

 The amount of parking the city requires is usually related to the size or intensity of that use. A few common ratios used to calculate parking requirements include…

  • 1 space per bedroom
  • 1 space per (X) square feet of floor area
  • 1 space per employee

But where did this come from? Well throughout the 50s, 60s, and 70s when car culture was becoming the American norm, municipalities took it upon themselves to become the authority on parking. And private parking provision became a part of city zoning requirements to prevent development from being under-parked. The City of Manhattan was no exception to this trend, aside from two unique instances.

There are not, nor have there ever been minimum parking requirements for businesses in Aggieville or Downtown. And before you go calling your commissioners about this because you think it “hurts worst” hard to find a parking spot over the lunch hour in Aggieville, let me offer an explanation as to why this is a good thing…

An absence of parking requirements for Aggieville businesses has helped preserved it as the compact, urban, and walkable environment that only one out of ten of us apparently disdain. 

If Aggieville businesses were required to provide the amount of parking required by the city in suburban districts, it would actually be about 1,100 spaces short. To put that into perspective, that is about the number of parking stalls in the west lot of the downtown mall, which is about 14 acres of uninterrupted pavement. 



Ŗ"In comparison, the Aggieville business area is about 21 acres, streets and all. If we transplanted the mall lot to Aggieville, it would easily stretch from the Bluemont Hotel to City Park. If you don’t believe me, there’s this
handy site that allows you to compare the size of different features in Google Maps. 



ŗ"
In short, if we required the businesses in Aggieville to provide the amount of park
ing the City requires in suburban districts, Aggieville wouldn’t exist! Two-thirds of it would be a parking lot! The absence of parking requirements throughout the years has kept Aggieville in its historically compact, urban, and walkable environment we all love. And sure, it can be harder to find a parking spot on the weekend or over lunch, but we’re willing to spend an extra 60 seconds looking for a space or walk an extra block from a space because it’s a place we want to be. Were two-thirds of it a parking lot, sure it would be more convenient, but why would anyone want to spend time in a district that is mostly a parking lot? That’s part of what makes Aggieville… well… Aggieville.

And going off of that, excessive parking requirements and increased automobile dependency over the last half-century have contributed this growing problem that urban planners call “placelessness”, whereas environments begin to lack identity, historic significance, and local cultural relevance due to their generic and undesirable nature.

Take these two photos here comparing two very different built environments. One is compact, pedestrian-oriented, and has a nice street environment. The other is sprawling, automobile-oriented, and has a very bleak street environment. You’d probably feel more confident about fining a parking space in one of the businesses in the top photo, but it’s probably not an area you feel like spending a lot of time in, or would be proud so say is in your town, unlike the picture of downtown in the bottom photo. There is a lot more going on here than just parking, but it’s very clear parking is going to be a high priority in the top photo, which has largely contributed to it’s bleak, desolate, and placeless environment.Ř"

Anywhere, USA

ř"
Manhattan, Kansas


More than a place-making issue, excessive parking poses other environmental, social, and economical issues.

Environmentally speaking, excessive parking increases stormwater runoff, flood risk, light pollution, the urban heat island effect, and only encourages us to drive more, resulting in increased air pollution.

Socially speaking, excessive parking discourages us from walking, biking, or using public transit. These are more active and healthier alternatives of transportation that can help us all stay in shape.

Ś"

But I want to really dig into the economic impact of parking. There is no such thing as a free lunch. Likewise, there is no such thing as a free parking space. Take the city-owned parking lot south of Rally-House in Aggieville. Just the land the lot is on has an assessed value of $1.2 million. It has 80 parking spaces. This equates to $15,000 per space in land value. There are also construction costs and ongoing costs of maintenance and operation associated with surface parking lots which some studies estimate is between $700 and $1,100 per year per space.

The overwhelming majority of parking spaces in Manhattan are free, which means these cost of parking are subsidized one way or another. For public lots like the one in Aggieville, it's the taxpayer. For private property owners, it's the owner. For commercial uses, this cost is worked into the costs of the goods and services you buy. For residential developments, especially larger apartments, this cost is worked into price of the housing (rent). And if we take the estimate of just the ongoing cost of maintaining a parking space, this could mean the average monthly rent includes between $58 and $92 to pay for every parking space associated with that unit. In short, parking can contribute to housing affordability issues.

The crux here is that there is an opportunity cost to parking; it is a land-use efficiency issue. So much of our cities consist of valuable land dedicated to excess surface parking that could be used for homes, commercial buildings, schools, parks and natural greenspace. One of the more tangible ways this is played out is in an analysis of local property tax generated by each property in the city of Manhattan on a square foot basis, shown here.ś"

As you can see, the highest property tax generators per square foot, or the “hardest working” properties in town are overwhelmingly concentrated in Downtown and Aggieville where parking is more scarce and the built environment is more dense. In fact, 98 out of the top 100 hardest working properties are located in Downtown or Aggieville, generating $1.00--$3.65 per square foot on an annual basis. In contrast, the lower-density suburban areas, where parking is abundant, are much less efficient, typically generating less than $0.50 per square foot. That’s because at a certain point, parking lots are an inefficient use of land. Excessive parking and automobile dependency in general dilutes cities and forces them to spread out further, requiring us to stretch more expensive water, sewer, stormwater, and road infrastructure further and further out. The technical term for this is sprawl.  

ŝ"

That's not to say parking doesn’t serve a role in our community. Over the last 70 years we’ve kind of built our city to be dependent on the car and parking- and this won’t change overnight. But it’s time we start thinking bigger in terms of the whole cost of parking, especially too much parking, and how it’s bloated our cities. And it starts with zoning regulations, which are not blameless at all. In fact, zoning is one of the biggest contributors to the problem. In many cases, city zoning regulations overburden developers and business owners by requiring them to supply parking spaces that may never be used.

By lowering minimum parking requirements, we can begin to combat the negatives effect of too much parking, while giving developers and business owners greater autonomy and flexibility in deciding how much parking they actually need to make their project successful. In fact, many other cities are getting out of the parking business by reducing or outright eliminating their parking requirements. We have the opportunity to make similar changes though the UDO.

Here is a comparison of existing parking ratios and ratios proposed through the UDO for some typical land uses...

൒"

As you can see, the number of spaces required of these uses are generally lower. And that’s not to say that these businesses can’t provide more than the minimum. That’s why it’s a minimum! But why would we require them to have more than they know they need to effectively run their business? 

This is how these ratios play out in an example in Manhattan…

൓"

Which also raises another question. Should there be a limit to the number of parking spaces a place can have? Many cities are also doing this by introducing parking maximums that combat the negative effects of too much parking. Manhattan currently has no maximums on parking, but it is something proposed through the UDO...

ൔ"

These maximum ratios are designed to reflect the majority of what those land uses are using today in Manhattan, but to cap those outliers that tend to provide as much parking as they possibly can or to provide enough parking for their absolute busiest day of the year. This is less common for local businesses and more common for larger national chain businesses, like retailers who provide enough parking for once-a-year events like Black Friday, despite those spaces going unused the other 364 days out of the year. 

Ŝ"

By lowering the minimum parking ratios and introducing parking maximums, we can begin to create a more economically, socially, and environmentally resilient Manhattan.

May 22

[ARCHIVED] Car Parking

The original item was published from May 22, 2018 3:13 PM to May 22, 2018 3:22 PM

If you’re reading this, chances are you’ve been to Aggieville in your lifetime. Chances are also good that you have a fairly high opinion of Aggieville. I can say that because according to a recent community survey, seven out of ten Manhattanites have a high or very high opinion of Aggieville, two out of ten have a neutral opinion, and one out of ten… well… we’ve all had those days.

"Aggieville

As much as you may love Aggieville, you probably can't separate it from your frustration of finding a parking space when you visit. In fact, that same survey asked citizens to rate the ease of finding a parking space in Aggieville on a scale from 1 to 5, one being very easy and five being very difficult. The average rating was 3.84. Putting this number on the Wong-Baker Faces Pain Rating Scale would put us collectively somewhere between “hurts even more” to “hurts a whole lot” when it comes to finding parking in Aggieville.


ŕ"
And I doubt many find that surprising. But why is there so little parking in Aggieville?

Ordinarily, the city requires homes, offices, apartments, restaurants, retail stores, and nearly every other land use to provide car parking on site when that use is established.

 The amount of parking the city requires is usually related to the size or intensity of that use. A few common ratios used to calculate parking requirements include…

  • 1 space per bedroom
  • 1 space per (X) square feet of floor area
  • 1 space per employee

But where did this come from? Well throughout the 50s, 60s, and 70s when car culture was becoming the American norm, municipalities took it upon themselves to become the authority on parking. And private parking provision became a part of city zoning requirements to prevent development from being under-parked. The City of Manhattan was no exception to this trend, aside from two unique instances.

There are not, nor have there ever been minimum parking requirements for businesses in Aggieville or Downtown. And before you go calling your commissioners about this because you think it “hurts worst” hard to find a parking spot over the lunch hour in Aggieville, let me offer an explanation as to why this is a good thing…

An absence of parking requirements for Aggieville businesses has helped preserved it as the compact, urban, and walkable environment that only one out of ten of us apparently disdain. 

If Aggieville businesses were required to provide the amount of parking required by the city in suburban districts, it would actually be about 1,100 spaces short. To put that into perspective, that is about the number of parking stalls in the west lot of the downtown mall, which is about 14 acres of uninterrupted pavement. 



Ŗ"In comparison, the Aggieville business area is about 21 acres, streets and all. If we transplanted the mall lot to Aggieville, it would easily stretch from the Bluemont Hotel to City Park. If you don’t believe me, there’s this
handy site that allows you to compare the size of different features in Google Maps. 


ŗ"In short, if we required the businesses in Aggieville to provide the amount of park
ing the City requires in suburban districts, Aggieville wouldn’t exist! Two-thirds of it would be a parking lot! The absence of parking requirements throughout the years has kept Aggieville in its historically compact, urban, and walkable environment we all love. And sure, it can be harder to find a parking spot on the weekend or over lunch, but we’re willing to spend an extra 60 seconds looking for a space or walk an extra block from a space because it’s a place we want to be. Were two-thirds of it a parking lot, sure it would be more convenient, but why would anyone want to spend time in a district that is mostly a parking lot? That’s part of what makes Aggieville… well… Aggieville.

And going off of that, excessive parking requirements and increased automobile dependency over the last half-century have contributed this growing problem that urban planners call “placelessness”, whereas environments begin to lack identity, historic significance, and local cultural relevance due to their generic and undesirable nature.

Take these two photos here comparing two very different built environments. One is compact, pedestrian-oriented, and has a nice street environment. The other is sprawling, automobile-oriented, and has a very bleak street environment. You’d probably feel more confident about fining a parking space in one of the businesses in the top photo, but it’s probably not an area you feel like spending a lot of time in, or would be proud so say is in your town, unlike the picture of downtown in the bottom photo. There is a lot more going on here than just parking, but it’s very clear parking is going to be a high priority in the top photo, which has largely contributed to it’s bleak, desolate, and placeless environment.Ř"

Anywhere, USA

ř"
Manhattan, Kansas


More than a place-making issue, excessive parking poses other environmental, social, and economical issues.

Environmentally speaking, excessive parking increases stormwater runoff, flood risk, light pollution, the urban heat island effect, and only encourages us to drive more, resulting in increased air pollution.

Socially speaking, excessive parking discourages us from walking, biking, or using public transit. These are more active and healthier alternatives of transportation that can help us all stay in shape.

Ś"

But I want to really dig into the economic impact of parking. There is no such thing as a free lunch. Likewise, there is no such thing as a free parking space. Take the city-owned parking lot south of Rally-House in Aggieville. Just the land the lot is on has an assessed value of $1.2 million. It has 80 parking spaces. This equates to $15,000 per space in land value. There are also construction costs and ongoing costs of maintenance and operation associated with surface parking lots which some studies estimate is between $700 and $1,100 per year per space.

The overwhelming majority of parking spaces in Manhattan are free, which means these cost of parking are subsidized one way or another. For public lots like the one in Aggieville, it's the taxpayer. For private property owners, it's the owner. For commercial uses, this cost is worked into the costs of the goods and services you buy. For residential developments, especially larger apartments, this cost is worked into price of the housing (rent). And if we take the estimate of just the ongoing cost of maintaining a parking space, this could mean the average monthly rent includes between $58 and $92 to pay for every parking space associated with that unit. In short, parking can contribute to housing affordability issues.

The crux here is that there is an opportunity cost to parking; it is a land-use efficiency issue. So much of our cities consist of valuable land dedicated to excess surface parking that could be used for homes, commercial buildings, schools, parks and natural greenspace. One of the more tangible ways this is played out is in an analysis of local property tax generated by each property in the city of Manhattan on a square foot basis, shown here.ś"

As you can see, the highest property tax generators per square foot, or the “hardest working” properties in town are overwhelmingly concentrated in Downtown and Aggieville where parking is more scarce and the built environment is more dense. In fact, 98 out of the top 100 hardest working properties are located in Downtown or Aggieville, generating $1.00--$3.65 per square foot on an annual basis. In contrast, the lower-density suburban areas, where parking is abundant, are much less efficient, typically generating less than $0.50 per square foot. That’s because at a certain point, parking lots are an inefficient use of land. Excessive parking and automobile dependency in general dilutes cities and forces them to spread out further, requiring us to stretch more expensive water, sewer, stormwater, and road infrastructure further and further out. The technical term for this is sprawl.  

ŝ"

That's not to say parking doesn’t serve a role in our community. Over the last 70 years we’ve kind of built our city to be dependent on the car and parking- and this won’t change overnight. But it’s time we start thinking bigger in terms of the whole cost of parking, especially too much parking, and how it’s bloated our cities. And it starts with zoning regulations, which are not blameless at all. In fact, zoning is one of the biggest contributors to the problem. In many cases, city zoning regulations overburden developers and business owners by requiring them to supply parking spaces that may never be used.

By lowering minimum parking requirements, we can begin to combat the negatives effect of too much parking, while giving developers and business owners greater autonomy and flexibility in deciding how much parking they actually need to make their project successful. In fact, many other cities are getting out of the parking business by reducing or outright eliminating their parking requirements. We have the opportunity to make similar changes though the UDO.

Here is a comparison of existing parking ratios and ratios proposed through the UDO for some typical land uses...

൒"

As you can see, the number of spaces required of these uses are generally lower. And that’s not to say that these businesses can’t provide more than the minimum. That’s why it’s a minimum! But why would we require them to have more than they know they need to effectively run their business? 

This is how these ratios play out in an example in Manhattan…

൓"

Which also raises another question. Should there be a limit to the number of parking spaces a place can have? Many cities are also doing this by introducing parking maximums that combat the negative effects of too much parking. Manhattan currently has no maximums on parking, but it is something proposed through the UDO...

ൔ"

These maximum ratios are designed to reflect the majority of what those land uses are using today in Manhattan, but to cap those outliers that tend to provide as much parking as they possibly can or to provide enough parking for their absolute busiest day of the year. This is less common for local businesses and more common for larger national chain businesses, like retailers who provide enough parking for once-a-year events like Black Friday, despite those spaces going unused the other 364 days out of the year. 

Ŝ"

By lowering the minimum parking ratios and introducing parking maximums, we can begin to create a more economically, socially, and environmentally resilient Manhattan.

May 22

[ARCHIVED] Car Parking

The original item was published from May 22, 2018 3:13 PM to May 22, 2018 3:21 PM

If you’re reading this, chances are you’ve been to Aggieville in your lifetime. Chances are also good that you have a fairly high opinion of Aggieville. I can say that because according to a recent community survey, seven out of ten Manhattanites have a high or very high opinion of Aggieville, two out of ten have a neutral opinion, and one out of ten… well… we’ve all had those days.

"Aggieville

As much as you may love Aggieville, you probably can't separate it from your frustration of finding a parking space when you visit. In fact, that same survey asked citizens to rate the ease of finding a parking space in Aggieville on a scale from 1 to 5, one being very easy and five being very difficult. The average rating was 3.84. Putting this number on the Wong-Baker Faces Pain Rating Scale would put us collectively somewhere between “hurts even more” to “hurts a whole lot” when it comes to finding parking in Aggieville.


ŕ"
And I doubt many find that surprising. But why is there so little parking in Aggieville?

Ordinarily, the city requires homes, offices, apartments, restaurants, retail stores, and nearly every other land use to provide car parking on site when that use is established.

 The amount of parking the city requires is usually related to the size or intensity of that use. A few common ratios used to calculate parking requirements include…

  • 1 space per bedroom
  • 1 space per (X) square feet of floor area
  • 1 space per employee

But where did this come from? Well throughout the 50s, 60s, and 70s when car culture was becoming the American norm, municipalities took it upon themselves to become the authority on parking. And private parking provision became a part of city zoning requirements to prevent development from being under-parked. The City of Manhattan was no exception to this trend, aside from two unique instances.

There are not, nor have there ever been minimum parking requirements for businesses in Aggieville or Downtown. And before you go calling your commissioners about this because you think it “hurts worst” hard to find a parking spot over the lunch hour in Aggieville, let me offer an explanation as to why this is a good thing…

An absence of parking requirements for Aggieville businesses has helped preserved it as the compact, urban, and walkable environment that only one out of ten of us apparently disdain. 

If Aggieville businesses were required to provide the amount of parking required by the city in suburban districts, it would actually be about 1,100 spaces short. To put that into perspective, that is about the number of parking stalls in the west lot of the downtown mall, which is about 14 acres of uninterrupted pavement. 



Ŗ"In comparison, the Aggieville business area is about 21 acres, streets and all. If we transplanted the mall lot to Aggieville, it would easily stretch from the Bluemont Hotel to City Park. If you don’t believe me, there’s this
handy site that allows you to compare the size of different features in Google Maps. 


ŗ"In short, if we required the businesses in Aggieville to provide the amount of park
ing the City requires in suburban districts, Aggieville wouldn’t exist! Two-thirds of it would be a parking lot! The absence of parking requirements throughout the years has kept Aggieville in its historically compact, urban, and walkable environment we all love. And sure, it can be harder to find a parking spot on the weekend or over lunch, but we’re willing to spend an extra 60 seconds looking for a space or walk an extra block from a space because it’s a place we want to be. Were two-thirds of it a parking lot, sure it would be more convenient, but why would anyone want to spend time in a district that is mostly a parking lot? That’s part of what makes Aggieville… well… Aggieville.

And going off of that, excessive parking requirements and increased automobile dependency over the last half-century have contributed this growing problem that urban planners call “placelessness”, whereas environments begin to lack identity, historic significance, and local cultural relevance due to their generic and undesirable nature.

Take these two photos here comparing two very different built environments. One is compact, pedestrian-oriented, and has a nice street environment. The other is sprawling, automobile-oriented, and has a very bleak street environment. You’d probably feel more confident about fining a parking space in one of the businesses in the top photo, but it’s probably not an area you feel like spending a lot of time in, or would be proud so say is in your town, unlike the picture of downtown in the bottom photo. There is a lot more going on here than just parking, but it’s very clear parking is going to be a high priority in the top photo, which has largely contributed to it’s bleak, desolate, and placeless environment.Ř"


Anywhere, USA

ř"
Manhattan, Kansas


More than a place-making issue, excessive parking poses other environmental, social, and economical issues.

Environmentally speaking, excessive parking increases stormwater runoff, flood risk, light pollution, the urban heat island effect, and only encourages us to drive more, resulting in increased air pollution.

Socially speaking, excessive parking discourages us from walking, biking, or using public transit. These are more active and healthier alternatives of transportation that can help us all stay in shape.

Ś"

But I want to really dig into the economic impact of parking. There is no such thing as a free lunch. Likewise, there is no such thing as a free parking space. Take the city-owned parking lot south of Rally-House in Aggieville. Just the land the lot is on has an assessed value of $1.2 million. It has 80 parking spaces. This equates to $15,000 per space in land value. There are also construction costs and ongoing costs of maintenance and operation associated with surface parking lots which some studies estimate is between $700 and $1,100 per year per space.

The overwhelming majority of parking spaces in Manhattan are free, which means these cost of parking are subsidized one way or another. For public lots like the one in Aggieville, it's the taxpayer. For private property owners, it's the owner. For commercial uses, this cost is worked into the costs of the goods and services you buy. For residential developments, especially larger apartments, this cost is worked into price of the housing (rent). And if we take the estimate of just the ongoing cost of maintaining a parking space, this could mean the average monthly rent includes between $58 and $92 to pay for every parking space associated with that unit. In short, parking can contribute to housing affordability issues.

The crux here is that there is an opportunity cost to parking; it is a land-use efficiency issue. So much of our cities consist of valuable land dedicated to excess surface parking that could be used for homes, commercial buildings, schools, parks and natural greenspace. One of the more tangible ways this is played out is in an analysis of local property tax generated by each property in the city of Manhattan on a square foot basis, shown here.ś"

As you can see, the highest property tax generators per square foot, or the “hardest working” properties in town are overwhelmingly concentrated in Downtown and Aggieville where parking is more scarce and the built environment is more dense. In fact, 98 out of the top 100 hardest working properties are located in Downtown or Aggieville, generating $1.00--$3.65 per square foot on an annual basis. In contrast, the lower-density suburban areas, where parking is abundant, are much less efficient, typically generating less than $0.50 per square foot. That’s because at a certain point, parking lots are an inefficient use of land. Excessive parking and automobile dependency in general dilutes cities and forces them to spread out further, requiring us to stretch more expensive water, sewer, stormwater, and road infrastructure further and further out. The technical term for this is sprawl.  

ŝ"

That's not to say parking doesn’t serve a role in our community. Over the last 70 years we’ve kind of built our city to be dependent on the car and parking- and this won’t change overnight. But it’s time we start thinking bigger in terms of the whole cost of parking, especially too much parking, and how it’s bloated our cities. And it starts with zoning regulations, which are not blameless at all. In fact, zoning is one of the biggest contributors to the problem. In many cases, city zoning regulations overburden developers and business owners by requiring them to supply parking spaces that may never be used.

By lowering minimum parking requirements, we can begin to combat the negatives effect of too much parking, while giving developers and business owners greater autonomy and flexibility in deciding how much parking they actually need to make their project successful. In fact, many other cities are getting out of the parking business by reducing or outright eliminating their parking requirements. We have the opportunity to make similar changes though the UDO.

Here is a comparison of existing parking ratios and ratios proposed through the UDO for some typical land uses...

൒"

As you can see, the number of spaces required of these uses are generally lower. And that’s not to say that these businesses can’t provide more than the minimum. That’s why it’s a minimum! But why would we require them to have more than they know they need to effectively run their business? 

This is how these ratios play out in an example in Manhattan…

൓"

Which also raises another question. Should there be a limit to the number of parking spaces a place can have? Many cities are also doing this by introducing parking maximums that combat the negative effects of too much parking. Manhattan currently has no maximums on parking, but it is something proposed through the UDO...

ൔ"

These maximum ratios are designed to reflect the majority of what those land uses are using today in Manhattan, but to cap those outliers that tend to provide as much parking as they possibly can or to provide enough parking for their absolute busiest day of the year. This is less common for local businesses and more common for larger national chain businesses, like retailers who provide enough parking for once-a-year events like Black Friday, despite those spaces going unused the other 364 days out of the year. 

Ŝ"

By lowering the minimum parking ratios and introducing parking maximums, we can begin to create a more economically, socially, and environmentally resilient Manhattan.

May 22

[ARCHIVED] Car Parking

The original item was published from May 22, 2018 3:13 PM to May 22, 2018 3:21 PM

If you’re reading this, chances are you’ve been to Aggieville in your lifetime. Chances are also good that you have a fairly high opinion of Aggieville. I can say that because according to a recent community survey, seven out of ten Manhattanites have a high or very high opinion of Aggieville, two out of ten have a neutral opinion, and one out of ten… well… we’ve all had those days.

"Aggieville

As much as you may love Aggieville, you probably can't separate it from your frustration of finding a parking space when you visit. In fact, that same survey asked citizens to rate the ease of finding a parking space in Aggieville on a scale from 1 to 5, one being very easy and five being very difficult. The average rating was 3.84. Putting this number on the Wong-Baker Faces Pain Rating Scale would put us collectively somewhere between “hurts even more” to “hurts a whole lot” when it comes to finding parking in Aggieville.


ŕ"And I doubt many find that surprising. But why is there so little parking in Aggieville?

Ordinarily, the city requires homes, offices, apartments, restaurants, retail stores, and nearly every other land use to provide car parking on site when that use is established.

 The amount of parking the city requires is usually related to the size or intensity of that use. A few common ratios used to calculate parking requirements include…

  • 1 space per bedroom
  • 1 space per (X) square feet of floor area
  • 1 space per employee

But where did this come from? Well throughout the 50s, 60s, and 70s when car culture was becoming the American norm, municipalities took it upon themselves to become the authority on parking. And private parking provision became a part of city zoning requirements to prevent development from being under-parked. The City of Manhattan was no exception to this trend, aside from two unique instances.

There are not, nor have there ever been minimum parking requirements for businesses in Aggieville or Downtown. And before you go calling your commissioners about this because you think it “hurts worst” hard to find a parking spot over the lunch hour in Aggieville, let me offer an explanation as to why this is a good thing…

An absence of parking requirements for Aggieville businesses has helped preserved it as the compact, urban, and walkable environment that only one out of ten of us apparently disdain. 

If Aggieville businesses were required to provide the amount of parking required by the city in suburban districts, it would actually be about 1,100 spaces short. To put that into perspective, that is about the number of parking stalls in the west lot of the downtown mall, which is about 14 acres of uninterrupted pavement. 


ŗ" Ŗ"

In comparison, the Aggieville business area is about 21 acres, streets and all. If we transplanted the mall lot to Aggieville, it would easily stretch from the Bluemont Hotel to City Park. If you don’t believe me, there’s this handy site that allows you to compare the size of different features in Google Maps.

In short, if we required the businesses in Aggieville to provide the amount of parking the City requires in suburban districts, Aggieville wouldn’t exist! Two-thirds of it would be a parking lot! The absence of parking requirements throughout the years has kept Aggieville in its historically compact, urban, and walkable environment we all love. And sure, it can be harder to find a parking spot on the weekend or over lunch, but we’re willing to spend an extra 60 seconds looking for a space or walk an extra block from a space because it’s a place we want to be. Were two-thirds of it a parking lot, sure it would be more convenient, but why would anyone want to spend time in a district that is mostly a parking lot? That’s part of what makes Aggieville… well… Aggieville.


And going off of that, excessive parking requirements and increased automobile dependency over the last half-century have contributed this growing problem that urban planners call “placelessness”, whereas environments begin to lack identity, historic significance, and local cultural relevance due to their generic and undesirable nature.


Take these two photos here comparing two very different built environments. One is compact, pedestrian-oriented, and has a nice street environment. The other is sprawling, automobile-oriented, and has a very bleak street environment. You’d probably feel more confident about fining a parking space in one of the businesses in the top photo, but it’s probably not an area you feel like spending a lot of time in, or would be proud so say is in your town, unlike the picture of downtown in the bottom photo. There is a lot more going on here than just parking, but it’s very clear parking is going to be a high priority in the top photo, which has largely contributed to it’s bleak, desolate, and placeless environment.Ř"

Anywhere, USA

ř"
Manhattan, Kansas


More than a place-making issue, excessive parking poses other environmental, social, and economical issues.

Environmentally speaking, excessive parking increases stormwater runoff, flood risk, light pollution, the urban heat island effect, and only encourages us to drive more, resulting in increased air pollution.

Socially speaking, excessive parking discourages us from walking, biking, or using public transit. These are more active and healthier alternatives of transportation that can help us all stay in shape.

Ś"

But I want to really dig into the economic impact of parking. There is no such thing as a free lunch. Likewise, there is no such thing as a free parking space. Take the city-owned parking lot south of Rally-House in Aggieville. Just the land the lot is on has an assessed value of $1.2 million. It has 80 parking spaces. This equates to $15,000 per space in land value. There are also construction costs and ongoing costs of maintenance and operation associated with surface parking lots which some studies estimate is between $700 and $1,100 per year per space.

The overwhelming majority of parking spaces in Manhattan are free, which means these cost of parking are subsidized one way or another. For public lots like the one in Aggieville, it's the taxpayer. For private property owners, it's the owner. For commercial uses, this cost is worked into the costs of the goods and services you buy. For residential developments, especially larger apartments, this cost is worked into price of the housing (rent). And if we take the estimate of just the ongoing cost of maintaining a parking space, this could mean the average monthly rent includes between $58 and $92 to pay for every parking space associated with that unit. In short, parking can contribute to housing affordability issues.

The crux here is that there is an opportunity cost to parking; it is a land-use efficiency issue. So much of our cities consist of valuable land dedicated to excess surface parking that could be used for homes, commercial buildings, schools, parks and natural greenspace. One of the more tangible ways this is played out is in an analysis of local property tax generated by each property in the city of Manhattan on a square foot basis, shown here.ś"

As you can see, the highest property tax generators per square foot, or the “hardest working” properties in town are overwhelmingly concentrated in Downtown and Aggieville where parking is more scarce and the built environment is more dense. In fact, 98 out of the top 100 hardest working properties are located in Downtown or Aggieville, generating $1.00--$3.65 per square foot on an annual basis. In contrast, the lower-density suburban areas, where parking is abundant, are much less efficient, typically generating less than $0.50 per square foot. That’s because at a certain point, parking lots are an inefficient use of land. Excessive parking and automobile dependency in general dilutes cities and forces them to spread out further, requiring us to stretch more expensive water, sewer, stormwater, and road infrastructure further and further out. The technical term for this is sprawl.  

ŝ"

That's not to say parking doesn’t serve a role in our community. Over the last 70 years we’ve kind of built our city to be dependent on the car and parking- and this won’t change overnight. But it’s time we start thinking bigger in terms of the whole cost of parking, especially too much parking, and how it’s bloated our cities. And it starts with zoning regulations, which are not blameless at all. In fact, zoning is one of the biggest contributors to the problem. In many cases, city zoning regulations overburden developers and business owners by requiring them to supply parking spaces that may never be used.

By lowering minimum parking requirements, we can begin to combat the negatives effect of too much parking, while giving developers and business owners greater autonomy and flexibility in deciding how much parking they actually need to make their project successful. In fact, many other cities are getting out of the parking business by reducing or outright eliminating their parking requirements. We have the opportunity to make similar changes though the UDO.

Here is a comparison of existing parking ratios and ratios proposed through the UDO for some typical land uses...

൒"

As you can see, the number of spaces required of these uses are generally lower. And that’s not to say that these businesses can’t provide more than the minimum. That’s why it’s a minimum! But why would we require them to have more than they know they need to effectively run their business? 

This is how these ratios play out in an example in Manhattan…

൓"

Which also raises another question. Should there be a limit to the number of parking spaces a place can have? Many cities are also doing this by introducing parking maximums that combat the negative effects of too much parking. Manhattan currently has no maximums on parking, but it is something proposed through the UDO...

ൔ"

Ŝ"

These maximum ratios are designed to reflect the majority of what those land uses are using today in Manhattan, but to cap those outliers that tend to provide as much parking as they possibly can or to provide enough parking for their absolute busiest day of the year. This is less common for local businesses and more common for larger national chain businesses, like retailers who provide enough parking for once-a-year events like Black Friday, despite those spaces going unused the other 364 days out of the year. 

By lowering the minimum parking ratios and introducing parking maximums, we can begin to create a more economically, socially, and environmentally resilient Manhattan.

May 22

[ARCHIVED] Car Parking

The original item was published from May 22, 2018 3:13 PM to May 22, 2018 3:17 PM

If you’re reading this, chances are you’ve been to Aggieville in your lifetime. Chances are also good that you have a fairly high opinion of Aggieville. I can say that because according to a recent community survey, seven out of ten Manhattanites have a high or very high opinion of Aggieville, two out of ten have a neutral opinion, and one out of ten… well… we’ve all had those days.

"Aggieville

As much as you may love Aggieville, you probably can't separate it from your frustration of finding a parking space when you visit. In fact, that same survey asked citizens to rate the ease of finding a parking space in Aggieville on a scale from 1 to 5, one being very easy and five being very difficult. The average rating was 3.84. Putting this number on the Wong-Baker Faces Pain Rating Scale would put us collectively somewhere between “hurts even more” to “hurts a whole lot” when it comes to finding parking in Aggieville.ŕ"


And I doubt many find that surprising. But why is there so little parking in Aggieville?

Ordinarily, the city requires homes, offices, apartments, restaurants, retail stores, and nearly every other land use to provide car parking on site when that use is established. The amount of parking the city requires is usually related to the size or intensity of that use. A few common ratios used to calculate parking requirements include…

  • 1 space per bedroom
  • 1 space per (X) square feet of floor area
  • 1 space per employee

But where did this come from? Well throughout the 50s, 60s, and 70s when car culture was becoming the American norm, municipalities took it upon themselves to become the authority on parking. And private parking provision became a part of city zoning requirements to prevent development from being under-parked. The City of Manhattan was no exception to this trend, aside from two unique instances.

There are not, nor have there ever been minimum parking requirements for businesses in Aggieville or Downtown. And before you go calling your commissioners about this because you think it “hurts worst” hard to find a parking spot over the lunch hour in Aggieville, let me offer an explanation as to why this is a good thing…

An absence of parking requirements for Aggieville businesses has helped preserved it as the compact, urban, and walkable environment that only one out of ten of us apparently disdain. 

If Aggieville businesses were required to provide the amount of parking required by the city in suburban districts, it would actually be about 1,100 spaces short. To put that into perspective, that is about the number of parking stalls in the west lot of the downtown mall, which is about 14 acres of uninterrupted pavement. 

Ŗ"


ŗ"

In comparison, the Aggieville business area is about 21 acres, streets and all. If we transplanted the mall lot to Aggieville, it would easily stretch from the Bluemont Hotel to City Park. If you don’t believe me, there’s this handy site that allows you to compare the size of different features in Google Maps.

In short, if we required the businesses in Aggieville to provide the amount of parking the City requires in suburban districts, Aggieville wouldn’t exist! Two-thirds of it would be a parking lot! The absence of parking requirements throughout the years has kept Aggieville in its historically compact, urban, and walkable environment we all love. And sure, it can be harder to find a parking spot on the weekend or over lunch, but we’re willing to spend an extra 60 seconds looking for a space or walk an extra block from a space because it’s a place we want to be. Were two-thirds of it a parking lot, sure it would be more convenient, but why would anyone want to spend time in a district that is mostly a parking lot? That’s part of what makes Aggieville… well… Aggieville.

And going off of that, excessive parking requirements and increased automobile dependency over the last half-century have contributed this growing problem that urban planners call “placelessness”, whereas environments begin to lack identity, historic significance, and local cultural relevance due to their generic and undesirable nature.

Take these two photos here comparing two very different built environments. One is compact, pedestrian-oriented, and has a nice street environment. The other is sprawling, automobile-oriented, and has a very bleak street environment. You’d probably feel more confident about fining a parking space in one of the businesses in the top photo, but it’s probably not an area you feel like spending a lot of time in, or would be proud so say is in your town, unlike the picture of downtown in the bottom photo. There is a lot more going on here than just parking, but it’s very clear parking is going to be a high priority in the top photo, which has largely contributed to it’s bleak, desolate, and placeless environment.Ř"

Anywhere, USA

ř"
Manhattan, Kansas

More than a place-making issue, excessive parking poses other environmental, social, and economical issues.

Environmentally speaking, excessive parking increases stormwater runoff, flood risk, light pollution, the urban heat island effect, and only encourages us to drive more, resulting in increased air pollution.

Socially speaking, excessive parking discourages us from walking, biking, or using public transit. These are more active and healthier alternatives of transportation that can help us all stay in shape.

Ś"

But I want to really dig into the economic impact of parking. There is no such thing as a free lunch. Likewise, there is no such thing as a free parking space. Take the city-owned parking lot south of Rally-House in Aggieville. Just the land the lot is on has an assessed value of $1.2 million. It has 80 parking spaces. This equates to $15,000 per space in land value. There are also construction costs and ongoing costs of maintenance and operation associated with surface parking lots which some studies estimate is between $700 and $1,100 per year per space.

The overwhelming majority of parking spaces in Manhattan are free, which means these cost of parking are subsidized one way or another. For public lots like the one in Aggieville, it's the taxpayer. For private property owners, it's the owner. For commercial uses, this cost is worked into the costs of the goods and services you buy. For residential developments, especially larger apartments, this cost is worked into price of the housing (rent). And if we take the estimate of just the ongoing cost of maintaining a parking space, this could mean the average monthly rent includes between $58 and $92 to pay for every parking space associated with that unit. In short, parking can contribute to housing affordability issues.

The crux here is that there is an opportunity cost to parking; it is a land-use efficiency issue. So much of our cities consist of valuable land dedicated to excess surface parking that could be used for homes, commercial buildings, schools, parks and natural greenspace. One of the more tangible ways this is played out is in an analysis of local property tax generated by each property in the city of Manhattan on a square foot basis, shown here.ś"

As you can see, the highest property tax generators per square foot, or the “hardest working” properties in town are overwhelmingly concentrated in Downtown and Aggieville where parking is more scarce and the built environment is more dense. In fact, 98 out of the top 100 hardest working properties are located in Downtown or Aggieville, generating $1.00--$3.65 per square foot on an annual basis. In contrast, the lower-density suburban areas, where parking is abundant, are much less efficient, typically generating less than $0.50 per square foot. That’s because at a certain point, parking lots are an inefficient use of land. Excessive parking and automobile dependency in general dilutes cities and forces them to spread out further, requiring us to stretch more expensive water, sewer, stormwater, and road infrastructure further and further out. The technical term for this is sprawl.  

ŝ"

That's not to say parking doesn’t serve a role in our community. Over the last 70 years we’ve kind of built our city to be dependent on the car and parking- and this won’t change overnight. But it’s time we start thinking bigger in terms of the whole cost of parking, especially too much parking, and how it’s bloated our cities. And it starts with zoning regulations, which are not blameless at all. In fact, zoning is one of the biggest contributors to the problem. In many cases, city zoning regulations overburden developers and business owners by requiring them to supply parking spaces that may never be used.

By lowering minimum parking requirements, we can begin to combat the negatives effect of too much parking, while giving developers and business owners greater autonomy and flexibility in deciding how much parking they actually need to make their project successful. In fact, many other cities are getting out of the parking business by reducing or outright eliminating their parking requirements. We have the opportunity to make similar changes though the UDO.

Here is a comparison of existing parking ratios and ratios proposed through the UDO for some typical land uses...

൒"

As you can see, the number of spaces required of these uses are generally lower. And that’s not to say that these businesses can’t provide more than the minimum. That’s why it’s a minimum! But why would we require them to have more than they know they need to effectively run their business? 

This is how these ratios play out in an example in Manhattan…

൓"

Which also raises another question. Should there be a limit to the number of parking spaces a place can have? Many cities are also doing this by introducing parking maximums that combat the negative effects of too much parking. Manhattan currently has no maximums on parking, but it is something proposed through the UDO...

ൔ"

Ŝ"

These maximum ratios are designed to reflect the majority of what those land uses are using today in Manhattan, but to cap those outliers that tend to provide as much parking as they possibly can or to provide enough parking for their absolute busiest day of the year. This is less common for local businesses and more common for larger national chain businesses, like retailers who provide enough parking for once-a-year events like Black Friday, despite those spaces going unused the other 364 days out of the year. 

By lowering the minimum parking ratios and introducing parking maximums, we can begin to create a more economically, socially, and environmentally resilient Manhattan.

May 18

[ARCHIVED] Landscaping and Buffering

The original item was published from May 18, 2018 4:37 PM to June 12, 2018 2:39 PM

Unlike most cities, Manhattan currently has very few landscaping or screening requirements. Some developers choose to landscape; some do not. To bring the same positive result to all development in the city, the Unified Development Ordinance (UDO) project is introducing new landscaping and buffering requirements.

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Apr 19

[ARCHIVED] Bike Parking in MHK

The original item was published from April 19, 2018 11:46 AM to June 11, 2018 3:14 PM

Cycling is becoming a bigger and bigger part of the Manhattan lifestyle. Over the last 10 years, the linear footage of designated bike routes within the City has more than tripled. In that same time, the number of citizens biking to work has nearly doubled. Currently, about 1 in 50 Manhattanites bike to work on a daily basis, which is over 3x the national average! 

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Apr 19

[ARCHIVED] Bike Parking in MHK

The original item was published from April 19, 2018 11:46 AM to April 19, 2018 4:46 PM

Cycling is becoming a bigger and bigger part of the Manhattan lifestyle. Over the last 10 years, the linear footage of designated bike routes within the City has more than tripled. In that same time, the number of citizens biking to work has nearly doubled. Currently, about 1 in 50 Manhattanites bike to work on a daily basis, which is over 3x the national average! 

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Apr 19

[ARCHIVED] Bike Parking in MHK

The original item was published from April 19, 2018 11:46 AM to April 19, 2018 4:45 PM

Cycling is becoming a bigger and bigger part of the Manhattan lifestyle. Over the last 10 years, the linear footage of designated bike routes within the City has more than tripled. In that same time, the number of citizens biking to work has nearly doubled. Currently, about 1 in 50 Manhattanites bike to work on a daily basis, which is over 3x the national average! 

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Apr 19

[ARCHIVED] Bike Parking in MHK

The original item was published from April 19, 2018 11:46 AM to April 19, 2018 4:45 PM

Cycling is becoming a bigger and bigger part of the Manhattan lifestyle. Over the last 10 years, the linear footage of designated bike routes within the City has more than tripled. In that same time, the number of citizens biking to work has nearly doubled. Currently, about 1 in 50 Manhattanites bike to work on a daily basis, which is over 3x the national average! 

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Apr 19

[ARCHIVED] Bike Parking in MHK

The original item was published from April 19, 2018 11:46 AM to April 19, 2018 4:44 PM

Cycling is becoming a bigger and bigger part of the Manhattan lifestyle. Over the last 10 years, the linear footage of designated bike routes within the City has more than tripled. In that same time, the number of citizens biking to work has nearly doubled. Currently, about 1 in 50 Manhattanites bike to work on a daily basis, which is over 3x the national average! 

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Apr 19

[ARCHIVED] Bike Parking in MHK

The original item was published from April 19, 2018 11:46 AM to April 19, 2018 4:42 PM

Cycling is becoming a bigger and bigger part of the Manhattan lifestyle. Over the last 10 years, the linear footage of designated bike routes within the City has more than tripled. In that same time, the number of citizens biking to work has nearly doubled. Currently, about 1 in 50 Manhattanites bike to work on a daily basis, which is over 3x the national average! 

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Apr 19

[ARCHIVED] Bike Parking in MHK

The original item was published from April 19, 2018 11:46 AM to April 19, 2018 3:55 PM

Cycling is becoming a bigger and bigger part of the Manhattan lifestyle. Over the last 10 years, the linear footage of designated bike routes within the City has more than tripled. In that same time, the number of citizens biking to work has nearly doubled. Currently, about 1 in 50 Manhattanites bike to work on a daily basis, which is over 3x the national average! 

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Apr 19

[ARCHIVED] Bike Parking in MHK

The original item was published from April 19, 2018 11:46 AM to April 19, 2018 11:48 AM

ŕ"Cycling is becoming a bigger and bigger part of the Manhattan lifestyle. Over the last 10 years, the linear footage of designated bike routes within the City has more than tripled. In that same time, the number of citizens biking to work has nearly doubled. Currently, about 1 in 50 Manhattanites bike to work on a daily basis, which is over 3x the national average! 

Ŗ"A study conducted in 2015 suggests that over half of K-State students have a bike and about 13% of students bike daily to get to work, school, and to do their shopping. Manhattan is leading the State of Kansas in policy and infrastructure that make communities bike friendly.

Here’s a timeline of the most significant bike-related accomplishments in the last few years: 
2012: Manhattan designated as a Bronze-Level Bicycle-Friendly Community by the League of American Cyclists and opens the State’s first Bike Boulevard on Moro Street
2013: Manhattan reaches more than 50 miles of bike infrastructure
2014: Manhattan opened Kansas’s first protected bike lane on North Manhattan Ave.
2015: Kansas State University designated as the first Bronze-Level Bicycle-Friendly Campus in Kansas and Green Apple Bikes hit the streets for the first time
2016: Manhattan’s designation as a Bronze-Level Bicycle-Friendly Community by the League of American Cyclists renewed and Manhattan’s first bike parking requirement is instituted 
2017: Manhattan has 70 miles of bike infrastructure

We think these things are awesome! And it’s not just cyclists that benefit. There are many community-wide benefits to cycling and having a “bike friendly” community.

Benefits of a Bike-friendly Community
Public health: Bicycle friendly cities have healthier citizens, with more opportunities for both active transportation and recreational cycling as a means of exercise integrated into people’s daily lives.

 "heart Public health: Bicycle friendly cities have healthier citizens, with more opportunities for both active transportation and recreational cycling as a means of exercise integrated into people’s daily lives.
 Ř" Environmental: According to the EPA, the average passenger vehicle emits over 10,000 lbs. of carbon dioxide per year. Cycling produces zero emissions and zero pollutants. When people bike, they are helping to keep our air clean!
 ř" Social Equity: According to AAA, the average total cost of owning and operating a personal vehicle (including maintenance, insurance, taxes, depreciation, fuel, etc.) is about $8,500 per year. For many families and individuals, this cost weighs heavily on their budget. A solid and reliable bike is around $300, costs nothing to own and very little to maintain. This makes cycling a very economical transportation alternative.
 Ś" Congestion: Cycling relieves traffic congestion. Cycle trips often replace car trips, giving our roads more capacity and reducing travel times.
 ś" Parking and Land Use: Cycling reduces parking demand. Bike trips eliminate the need for a car parking space. This also reduces the need for businesses to excessively supply parking, creating a more compact, and efficient use of land within a city.
 Ŝ" Infrastructure: More efficient land use and less cars on the road means there is less need to expand and maintain expensive infrastructure like roads, sewer lines, water lines, and stormwater pipes.
 ŝ" Marketing and Livability: Bike-friendly cities are marketable. They attract jobs and new industries to their economies because they are more desirable, attractive cities that people want to visit, live, and work in.


So what makes a city bike friendly? Well that is a big question and the answer is not so simple. Many things add up to a city being more or less friendly to bikes. Some things are less tangible, like a city’s culture and the laws and policies about biking. Some things are more tangible, like a city’s quantity of bike lanes and trails, its diversity of land uses within short distances, if it has a bike-sharing program, and if there is bike parking provided around town. All of this will influence how many people will choose to bike or not. While bike parking is just one aspect of things that make a city bike-friendly, it is an important one.

Bike parking, in the form of bike racks:
Makes cyclists feel welcome.
Legitimizes and encourages the choice to bike.
Provides security of the bike, reducing theft.
Reduces clutter and the use of other objects as bike parking, like handrails, trees, benches, and light posts, which could be damaged by a bike. 

In 2016 the City of Manhattan passed an ordinance amending the regulations of a zoning district east of the KSU campus to require bike parking for new apartment buildings at a ratio of one rack (two spaces) for every four bedrooms in a building. This was the first time bike parking was required in Manhattan and something we are proposing to apply to other zoning districts that allow apartment buildings through the UDO process and at the same ratio. 

So say an apartment building has 20 apartments in it, each with 2 bedrooms, for 40 bedrooms total. It would be required to have at least 20 spaces, which could be accommodated by 10 racks.

In the same vein, we are proposing to require bike parking for non-residential uses in other zoning districts for the first time through the UDO. The ratio proposed is generally a minimum of one rack or a ratio of spaces equal to 10% of car parking spaces provided for that use, whichever is more. 

So say if a grocery store has 100 car parking spaces. It would be required to have at least 10 bike parking spaces, which could be accommodated by 5 racks.

However, it’s not enough to just require bike parking. The design of bike parking is equally as important. If you’ve ever biked anywhere, you’ve probably experienced the frustration of a poorly designed or poorly placed bike rack… it’s right up against the building, a tree is in the way, you can’t lock your bike to it, your bike falls over on it, it’s located nowhere near the place you’re going, or you just don’t feel comfortable leaving your bike there... We’ve been there!
 
Bad Rack Type and Placed on Grass!








The UDO addresses this in a few different ways relating to the location and layout of a bike parking site and design of the racks to ensure that bike parking is functional and secure. For instance, the UDO proposes that bike racks…
Have to be of an inverted-U shaped style, or a variation of that style with design parameters. These racks are optimally designed to support a bicycle without the it falling over and allow both wheels and the bike frame to be locked up.

Have to be within 25 feet of a residential building and within 50 feet of a commercial/non-residential building entrance, or closer than the closest car parking space.

Have to be visible and free of any obstructions such as a wall, shrubbery, light post, etc. and not obstructing walkways, entrances, etc.

Have to accommodate a bike of at least 6’x2’ in size, with 7 feet of head clearance.

Have to be spaced at least 30 inches apart side to side and about 8 feet front to back, if arranged in a linear series.

Have to be at least 24 inches from a parallel wall, 30 inches from a perpendicular wall, and 48 inches from a parallel or perpendicular curb.

Be identified by signage if it is not visible from the street or travel ways. 



We believe these requirements will meet the increasing demand for bike parking resulting from the increase in bike activity in our community we’ve experienced over the past decade. Furthermore, these regulations will encourage more people to bike in our city, ultimately making Manhattan a more bike friendly community with all the benefits that come with it! For more information on biking in Manhattan, visit the Bicycle and Pedestrian page of the City website. 

Apr 06

[ARCHIVED] Nonconformities

The original item was published from April 6, 2018 1:13 PM to April 6, 2018 1:25 PM

Not all nonconformities need to go away. Some are benign and unremarkable—it’s doubtful that anyone notices or is worried that most houses in the Wards are closer to the sidewalks than they are in postwar suburbs. Some may even be over the 35-foot height limit. Guess what? Despite these violations the world keeps chugging along.

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Apr 04

[ARCHIVED] Welcome - How Do UDO

The original item was published from March 19, 2018 3:27 PM to April 4, 2018 4:35 PM

We, in the Community Development Department, understand that Zoning and Subdivision Regulations are not things most people spend a lot of time thinking about.  These policies and regulations don’t tend to be very exciting or are written in a way that makes you want to read them for entertainment. 

However, these things significantly shape our neighborhoods, shopping centers and where we work and play.  

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Tag(s): zoning, UDO, regulations

Mar 27

[ARCHIVED] UDO ENO/TNO

The original item was published from March 27, 2018 12:46 PM to March 28, 2018 2:08 PM

Background
"mapManhattan was incorporated in 1857. Like many other new towns at that time, it was platted. Meaning the layout, size, and names of the streets were predetermined, the land within the confines of those streets were divided, and certain areas were set aside for schools, parks, markets, and public squares. 

Everything included in the original town plat was also within city limits. This created ease for the transaction of land, the provision of utilities, and provided a framework for the city’s development into the future. For the better part of Manhattan’s first 100 years, the city stayed snugly within the boundaries of this original plat. It wasn’t until after the Second World War that the city broke free from its crib and started toddling around in the hills of the western frontier. To this day, it is very easy to see where the original city plat was. If you look at any map of Manhattan, you’ll see a distinctive grid pattern to the streets around areas like Downtown, Aggieville, and everything in between. This gridded area generally marks the original town plat and original city limits.  

The TNO 

Ś"The Traditional Neighborhood Overlay (TNO) zoning district generally spans the lower-density residential areas of the original town plat. The TNO is a zoning overlay district created by the city in 2003 to regulate how new homes and substantial modifications to homes in the older part of town are designed and to conserve the existing housing stock. 

"photoThis area of town and its individual buildings are special to our community and their conservation is a high priority. These neighborhoods are full of character and packed with history that links us to our past. There are home to diverse examples of architectural styles throughout the area built since 1850 including Victorian, Vernacular, Tudor, Romanesque Revival, Queen Anne, Prairie, Neo Classical, National Folk, Italianate, Gothic Revival, Craftsman, Colonial, and many more!

"photoUnfortunately, not all of them will be preserved. Occasionally, houses will be demolished due to degradation, high costs of rehabilitation, or redevelopment opportunity. This is just a part of life. And when this does happen, it’s important that what replaces it be compatible with its surroundings. This is one function of the TNO. Another is to address how older development in Manhattan relates to modern zoning code. Because by today’s standards, these properties in the older part of town are, well… weird.

"photoMany of these homes would not meet our modern zoning standards because they are too close to the street, too close to their neighboring property, built on irregular lots, too big, etc. And these aren’t necessarily bad things. It’s just how these homes were designed and altered long ago, at a time when zoning was very unrestrictive, or in many cases, before zoning even existed! And these are things that give neighborhoods character and mark our history.

But properties not meeting zoning regulations can cause other problems. In city terms, these properties are called “non-conforming”. But if they were built or altered before such regulations existed, they are considered to be “grandfathered”. While grandfathered structures can continue to exist and operate indefinitely, their non-conforming status can often be a hassle for property owners when they want to rehab, modify, or make improvements to their homes. But non-conformities on its own is a topic for another time and we will get to that in a future posting. 
So the TNO serves two major purposes, to encourage compatible in-fill development and to deal with the uniqueness of the existing building stock. 
It does in many ways, a few of which include…
  1. Allowing homes to be built closer to the street.
  2. Requiring parking behind or to the side of a house and utilizing alley access. 
  3. Requiring garages to be further back from the house.
  4. Requiring a minimum amount of windows.
  5. Requiring a certain roof pitch. 
  6. Requiring a roof overhang. 
  7. Requiring a door on the primary building façade.
A quick walk through one of the older neighborhoods, and you notice the majority of existing homes meet these regulations. That’s because the regulations are built around them, taking their characteristics and codifying them. After 15 years of the TNO’s existence, we can start to see how things are going. We noticed buildings constructed since 2003 weren’t really meeting the spirit of the regulations. Moreover, it is clear that in many ways, the TNO regulations are still not entirely reflective of the existing environment. That is, there are many homes still considered non-conforming due to their site layout. These aren’t going away anytime soon, and in some cases, it is putting an unnecessary burden on homeowners.

Advances in technology since 2003 have allowed us to conduct quicker and more comprehensive assessments of these regulations pertaining to the TNO. Specifically, aerial surveys through mapping software allow us to get better statistical data about how homes were built in the older part of town; how close they were built from the property line, how much of the lot they cover, building dimensions, lot sizes, etc. With this information, we are able to hone in on adjustments to the regulations to better fit the character of the area. This could also bring more homes into conformance, which could remove the burden of requiring property owners to get special exceptions when they wish to make improvements and investments to their homes. 

UDO
The UDO process gives us a chance to implement these new regulations pertaining to the TNO. But now we have to call it the Established Neighborhood Overlay (ENO) because the TNO through the UDO has undergone a name change. So bear with me here.

Site Layout
One thing we’re looking at is changes to the regulations pertaining to the site layout of a property. Specifically, the front and side setbacks, or how close to certain property lines a house can be built. The setback of houses from the front property line varies greatly throughout the ENO. In some cases, houses are a close as 0 feet and as far back as 60 feet. So it’s tough to make a call on what the standard should be and what would be considered “compatible” because it varies greatly from block to block and lot to lot. You could widen the range, but that could mean less compatibility. One possibility is customizing setback requirements by looking at existing houses surrounding a property. That is to say, calculating the average front setback of houses on the same block and making that the requirement for new construction, with some degree of allowed variation. For example, a block with say eight houses each setback 10, 8, 20, 11, 13, 25, 16, 15, and 18 feet could have a requirement for a new house on that block to be setback 17 feet plus or minus 5 feet.
ŗ"
 Now that’s front setbacks. Side setbacks are a different story.

"graphAcross the board, the UDO introduces the concept of a “street-side” lot line. Simply put, lots on street corners are currently considered to have two front lot property lines despite the fact that there is functionally only one. This puts unnecessary constraints on corner lots throughout town, but especially in the ENO area due to its smaller lots. In fact, after sampling 100 corner lots throughout the ENO, we found that only 34% of them actually met the current requirement of 14 feet. Recognizing a street-side gives corner lot properties one true front setback, and one street-side setback. This number can be adjusted to better reflect reality. For instance, lowering the requirement to 8 feet would make 79% of the 100 sampled corner lots conforming while allowing new development to better match the existing.

Building Design
As far as the design of the homes, the UDO proposes a few additions to the existing regulations already in place with the TNO. The major ones address porch design, foundation materials, and street trees.

"colorSince many of the homes in the ENO have porches, the UDO proposes accommodations to encourage their continued existence and their integration into new buildings by discounting the extension of a porch from the front yard setback requirement by about four feet. But while front porches are a nice feature and many of the older homes have them, it is not always an appropriate design feature for each architectural style. We don’t want to force people to have porches, but if they are to be built, we feel they should be functional and more than just an at-grade concrete pad with an overhang. One way of doing this is by requiring a minimum depth to porches and requiring them to be elevated. 

Most older homes in the ENO area, regardless of having a basement, have a visible foundation of a material different from the cladding of the house. Without this, a new home creates a low-slung look incompatible with the more vertical-oriented housing stock. A way to address this is by requiring a visible masonry foundation to new buildings.

We also recognize that trees are an important element to the character of the older parts of town that also provide immense environmental benefits. Many of these trees are easily over 100 years old and may not be around much longer. One proposal includes requiring trees be replaced so that there be a minimum number of trees adjacent to every property. This will aid in maintaining the tree canopy over time.

In Closing
There are a number of other regulations that could be implemented to make the design of new houses in the old part of town as compatible as possible. However, regulating buildings down to that level of detail is tricky and can inhibit autonomy of creative design. And we don’t necessarily want new buildings to insincerely “look old”. There is a balance of conserving the character of a neighborhood and allowing Manhattanites to design, build, and reinvest in unique homes they can be proud of in an older part of town. We hope to make this balance work.






Mar 23

[ARCHIVED] Alphabet Soup - ADUs in the UDO for MHK

The original item was published from March 19, 2018 3:30 PM to March 27, 2018 9:01 AM

One area of focus in the updated Unified Development Ordinance (UDO) is to provide a wider range of housing types to meet the needs of Manhattan residents.  By allowing for more variety of homes (i.e. bigger, smaller, more units in appropriate locations), the demands of the housing market can be met, which should mean more affordable housing.

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Mar 23

[ARCHIVED] Alphabet Soup - ADUs in the UDO for MHK

The original item was published from March 19, 2018 3:30 PM to March 23, 2018 3:41 PM

One area of focus in the updated Unified Development Ordinance (UDO) is to provide a wider range of housing types to meet the needs of Manhattan residents.  By allowing for more variety of homes (i.e. bigger, smaller, more units in appropriate locations), the demands of the housing market can be met, which should mean more affordable housing.

Continue Reading...

Mar 23

[ARCHIVED] Alphabet Soup - ADUs in the UDO for MHK

The original item was published from March 19, 2018 3:30 PM to March 23, 2018 3:38 PM

One area of focus in the updated Unified Development Ordinance (UDO) is to provide a wider range of housing types to meet the needs of Manhattan residents.  By allowing for more variety of homes (i.e. bigger, smaller, more units in appropriate locations), the demands of the housing market can be met, which should mean more affordable housing.

Continue Reading...

Mar 19

[ARCHIVED] UDO ENO/TNO

The original item was published from March 19, 2018 3:30 PM to March 23, 2018 3:35 PM

This is our lead in text for the longer content

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Mar 19

[ARCHIVED] Module II - Introduction

The original item was published from March 19, 2018 3:27 PM to April 4, 2018 4:24 PM

We, in the Community Development Department, understand that Zoning and Subdivision Regulations are not things most people spend a lot of time thinking about.  These policies and regulations don’t tend to be very exciting or are written in a way that makes you want to read them for entertainment. 

However, these things significantly shape our neighborhoods, shopping centers and where we work and play.  

Continue Reading...

Tag(s): zoning, UDO, regulations

Mar 19

[ARCHIVED] UDO ENO/TNO

The original item was published from March 19, 2018 3:30 PM to March 19, 2018 3:34 PM

This is our lead in text for the longer content

Continue Reading...

Mar 19

[ARCHIVED] Module II

The original item was published from March 19, 2018 3:27 PM to March 19, 2018 3:34 PM

We, in the Community Development Department, understand that Zoning and Subdivision Regulations are not things most people spend a lot of time thinking about.  These policies and regulations don’t tend to be very exciting or are written in a way that makes you want to read them for entertainment.  However, these things significantly shape our neighborhoods, shopping centers and where we work and play. 

Because these regulations and planning tools are so important to our community, the City of Manhattan is working on the Unified Development Ordinance (UDO) project, which will update and combine these regulations into one document.  The purpose of this information series about the UDO is to break this large document of regulations into manageable pieces of information covering new and/or important topics on housing, commercial and industrial developments.  Hopefully, we can present the information in a way that is easy to understand, and who knows… you may get excited about community planning and how these regulations shape our City.

The first installment of How do UDO? is to introduce the UDO and talk about the proposed new zoning districts.

What is the Unified Development Ordinance?

The Unified Development Ordinance (UDO) is a project designed to combine the existing Zoning Ordinance and Subdivision Regulation for the City of Manhattan into an updated ordinance that regulates new development, re-development and the subdivision of land.

Why Update Our Zoning and Subdivision Regulations?

Common practice is to update a community's Zoning and Subdivision regulations after major Comprehensive Plan Updates, which the City, Riley County, and Pottawatomie County jointly adopted in March 2015.  Although the City has updated specific articles and sections of the Zoning and Subdivision Regulations over the years, (e.g. Signage, TNO and M-FRO Districts) as needed to comply with State and Federal Regulations or to keep up with the needs of Manhattan; the last time the Zoning Ordinance was completely reviewed and updated was in 1996 as an in-house project.  Think about that.  The last time these regulations were completely reviewed, the Nintendo 64 video system was released, Michael Jordan and the Chicago Bulls won their 4th NBA Championship and Twister was released in movie theaters.  Fortunately, it hasn’t been that long since the Subdivision Regulations were last updated, which was in 2003.  It is time for a fresh look at the City's development regulations!

 

Who is Doing the Work on the UDO?

The City hired Kendig Keast Collaborative (KKC) a nationally recognized planning consulting firm to draft the UDO.  Kendig Keast Collaborative has partnered with professionals from White and Smith Law Firm, Gateway Planning and Confluence Planning.  They use their experience in community planning, commercial, residential and mixed-use development and ordinance drafting to bring the City's development standards into the 21st Century to meet the community's residential, commercial and employment needs.

 

What is Changing with the UDO?

With upgrades come changes.  The City and our partners at KKC are working hard to minimize situations where a large number of legal uses and buildings would somehow become illegal with the adoption of the UDO.  Most changes to the new regulations are to modernize the types of residential, commercial and industrial uses that are allowed.  This series will highlight a number of these changes in the upcoming months.

One of the most significant changes is combining and renaming of zoning districts throughout the City.   Below is a table that shows the conversion of the current zoning districts to the proposed district.


Unified Development Ordinance District Conversion

Proposed

 

Current

Residential Uses

 

 

Abbreviation

District Title

 

Abbreviation

District Title

RE

Estate-lot Residential

 

RS

Single-Family Residential-Suburban

 

 

 

R

Single-Family Residential

RL

Low-density Residential

 

R-1

Single-Family Residential

 

 

 

R-2*

Two-Family Residential*

 

 

 

R-4

General Residential

RM

Medium-density Residential

 

R-3

Multiple-Family Residential

 

 

 

R-M

Four-Family Residential

 

 

 

R-5**

Manufactured Home Park**

RH

High-density Residential

 

M-FRO

Multi-Family Redevelopment Overlay

RC

Urban Core Residential

 

UCR

Urban Core Residential

Commercial & Business Office

Abbreviation

District Title

 

Abbreviation

District Title

BC

Business Commercial

 

C-1

Restricted Business

BP

Business Park

 

I-1

Research Park

 

 

 

I-5

Business Park

CN

Neighborhood Commercial

 

C-2

Neighborhood Shopping

CC

Community Commercial

 

C-5

Highway-Service Commercial

CA

Aggieville

 

C-3

Aggieville Business

CD

Downtown

 

C-4

Central Business

MU

Mixed-Use

 

-

Current not a District

Industrial & Service

 

 

 

Abbreviation

District Title

 

Abbreviation

District Title

ICS

Industrial/Commercial Services

 

C-6

Heavy Commercial

 

 

 

LM-SC

Light Manufacturing-Service Commercial

IL

Light Industrial

 

I-2

Industrial Park

 

 

 

I-3

Light Inudstiral

IG

General Industrial

 

I-4

Heavy Industrial

Special

Abbreviation

District Title

 

Abbreviation

District Title

UC

University & College

 

U

University

PD

Planned Development Floating Zone

 

PUD

Planned Unit Development

PI

Public & Institutional

 

-

Current not a District

Overlays

Abbreviation

District Title

 

Abbreviation

District Title

O-A

Airport Overlay

 

AO

Airport Overlay

O-UF

University Fringe

 

UO

University Overlay

O-EN

Established Neighborhood Overlay

 

TNO

Traditional Neighborhood Overlay

O-EV

Eureka Valley / K-18 Overlay

 

-

Current not a District

O-GC

Gateway Corr. Overlay

 

-

Current not a District

* Existing single-family attached and duplex develops in the current R-2, Two-Family Residential District will be zoned RL/MP, Master Planned Low-Density Residential to eliminate any nonconformity issues.

** Existing manufactured home parks in the current R-5, Manufactured Home Park District will be zoned RM/SP, Special Housing Medium Density Residential to eliminate any nonconformity issues.

 This map provides a comparison between the existing and proposed zoning districts.

 

The UDO plans to create different development options within residential districts to allow for more compact developments to protect the environment and promote a variety of housing types.  These options are:

Standard:  A subdivision that uses a typical street and lot layout that is generally seen throughout Manhattan today.  These developments typically provide for a single-family home on a lot, with a limited amount of open space in the development for drainage, recreation and protection of the environment. (Insert image from UDO)

Clustered: A development pattern in which single-family homes in the subdivision are clustered closer together in a part of the development.  The remaining space in the neighborhood is devoted to open space, recreation areas and the preservation or protection of natural areas.  (Insert image from UDO)

Master Planned:  This flexible development option allows for a comprehensively planned neighborhood that would allow for it to have a mix of single-family homes, two-family homes, townhomes, apartments, open space and recreational areas and even in some neighborhoods, commercial uses.  (Insert image from UDO)

 

The purpose of these new options is to streamline the application process to develop homes, apartments, etc. and still give plenty of information to the neighbors in the area about the proposed development.

Specific regulations for lot size and dimensions, setbacks and other regulations can be found in the draft of Module #1 (link).  Please understand that this a working draft of the UDO and sections will most likely change with staff review and public comments.

Please check back to www.cityofmhk.com/UDO for updates and more information on How do UDO? 



Tag(s): zoning, UDO, regulations

Mar 19

[ARCHIVED] Module II

The original item was published from March 19, 2018 3:27 PM to March 19, 2018 3:28 PM

We, in the Community Development Department, understand that Zoning and Subdivision Regulations are not things most people spend a lot of time thinking about.  These policies and regulations don’t tend to be very exciting or are written in a way that makes you want to read them for entertainment.  However, these things significantly shape our neighborhoods, shopping centers and where we work and play. 

Because these regulations and planning tools are so important to our community, the City of Manhattan is working on the Unified Development Ordinance (UDO) project, which will update and combine these regulations into one document.  The purpose of this information series about the UDO is to break this large document of regulations into manageable pieces of information covering new and/or important topics on housing, commercial and industrial developments.  Hopefully, we can present the information in a way that is easy to understand, and who knows… you may get excited about community planning and how these regulations shape our City.

The first installment of How do UDO? is to introduce the UDO and talk about the proposed new zoning districts.

What is the Unified Development Ordinance?

The Unified Development Ordinance (UDO) is a project designed to combine the existing Zoning Ordinance and Subdivision Regulation for the City of Manhattan into an updated ordinance that regulates new development, re-development and the subdivision of land.

Why Update Our Zoning and Subdivision Regulations?

Common practice is to update a community's Zoning and Subdivision regulations after major Comprehensive Plan Updates, which the City, Riley County, and Pottawatomie County jointly adopted in March 2015.  Although the City has updated specific articles and sections of the Zoning and Subdivision Regulations over the years, (e.g. Signage, TNO and M-FRO Districts) as needed to comply with State and Federal Regulations or to keep up with the needs of Manhattan; the last time the Zoning Ordinance was completely reviewed and updated was in 1996 as an in-house project.  Think about that.  The last time these regulations were completely reviewed, the Nintendo 64 video system was released, Michael Jordan and the Chicago Bulls won their 4th NBA Championship and Twister was released in movie theaters.  Fortunately, it hasn’t been that long since the Subdivision Regulations were last updated, which was in 2003.  It is time for a fresh look at the City's development regulations!

 

Who is Doing the Work on the UDO?

The City hired Kendig Keast Collaborative (KKC) a nationally recognized planning consulting firm to draft the UDO.  Kendig Keast Collaborative has partnered with professionals from White and Smith Law Firm, Gateway Planning and Confluence Planning.  They use their experience in community planning, commercial, residential and mixed-use development and ordinance drafting to bring the City's development standards into the 21st Century to meet the community's residential, commercial and employment needs.

 

What is Changing with the UDO?

With upgrades come changes.  The City and our partners at KKC are working hard to minimize situations where a large number of legal uses and buildings would somehow become illegal with the adoption of the UDO.  Most changes to the new regulations are to modernize the types of residential, commercial and industrial uses that are allowed.  This series will highlight a number of these changes in the upcoming months.

One of the most significant changes is combining and renaming of zoning districts throughout the City.   Below is a table that shows the conversion of the current zoning districts to the proposed district.


Unified Development Ordinance District Conversion

Proposed

 

Current

Residential Uses

 

 

Abbreviation

District Title

 

Abbreviation

District Title

RE

Estate-lot Residential

 

RS

Single-Family Residential-Suburban

 

 

 

R

Single-Family Residential

RL

Low-density Residential

 

R-1

Single-Family Residential

 

 

 

R-2*

Two-Family Residential*

 

 

 

R-4

General Residential

RM

Medium-density Residential

 

R-3

Multiple-Family Residential

 

 

 

R-M

Four-Family Residential

 

 

 

R-5**

Manufactured Home Park**

RH

High-density Residential

 

M-FRO

Multi-Family Redevelopment Overlay

RC

Urban Core Residential

 

UCR

Urban Core Residential

Commercial & Business Office

Abbreviation

District Title

 

Abbreviation

District Title

BC

Business Commercial

 

C-1

Restricted Business

BP

Business Park

 

I-1

Research Park

 

 

 

I-5

Business Park

CN

Neighborhood Commercial

 

C-2

Neighborhood Shopping

CC

Community Commercial

 

C-5

Highway-Service Commercial

CA

Aggieville

 

C-3

Aggieville Business

CD

Downtown

 

C-4

Central Business

MU

Mixed-Use

 

-

Current not a District

Industrial & Service

 

 

 

Abbreviation

District Title

 

Abbreviation

District Title

ICS

Industrial/Commercial Services

 

C-6

Heavy Commercial

 

 

 

LM-SC

Light Manufacturing-Service Commercial

IL

Light Industrial

 

I-2

Industrial Park

 

 

 

I-3

Light Inudstiral

IG

General Industrial

 

I-4

Heavy Industrial

Special

Abbreviation

District Title

 

Abbreviation

District Title

UC

University & College

 

U

University

PD

Planned Development Floating Zone

 

PUD

Planned Unit Development

PI

Public & Institutional

 

-

Current not a District

Overlays

Abbreviation

District Title

 

Abbreviation

District Title

O-A

Airport Overlay

 

AO

Airport Overlay

O-UF

University Fringe

 

UO

University Overlay

O-EN

Established Neighborhood Overlay

 

TNO

Traditional Neighborhood Overlay

O-EV

Eureka Valley / K-18 Overlay

 

-

Current not a District

O-GC

Gateway Corr. Overlay

 

-

Current not a District

* Existing single-family attached and duplex develops in the current R-2, Two-Family Residential District will be zoned RL/MP, Master Planned Low-Density Residential to eliminate any nonconformity issues.

** Existing manufactured home parks in the current R-5, Manufactured Home Park District will be zoned RM/SP, Special Housing Medium Density Residential to eliminate any nonconformity issues.

 This map provides a comparison between the existing and proposed zoning districts.

 

The UDO plans to create different development options within residential districts to allow for more compact developments to protect the environment and promote a variety of housing types.  These options are:

Standard:  A subdivision that uses a typical street and lot layout that is generally seen throughout Manhattan today.  These developments typically provide for a single-family home on a lot, with a limited amount of open space in the development for drainage, recreation and protection of the environment. (Insert image from UDO)

Clustered: A development pattern in which single-family homes in the subdivision are clustered closer together in a part of the development.  The remaining space in the neighborhood is devoted to open space, recreation areas and the preservation or protection of natural areas.  (Insert image from UDO)

Master Planned:  This flexible development option allows for a comprehensively planned neighborhood that would allow for it to have a mix of single-family homes, two-family homes, townhomes, apartments, open space and recreational areas and even in some neighborhoods, commercial uses.  (Insert image from UDO)

 

The purpose of these new options is to streamline the application process to develop homes, apartments, etc. and still give plenty of information to the neighbors in the area about the proposed development.

Specific regulations for lot size and dimensions, setbacks and other regulations can be found in the draft of Module #1 (link).  Please understand that this a working draft of the UDO and sections will most likely change with staff review and public comments.

Please check back to www.cityofmhk.com/UDO for updates and more information on How do UDO? 



Tag(s): zoning, UDO, regulations